Pakistan Reader

Photo Source: Dawn
   NIAS Course on Global Politics
National Institute of Advanced Studies (NIAS)
Indian Institute of Science Campus, Bangalore
For any further information or to subscribe to GP alerts send an email to subachandran@nias.res.in

Pakistan Reader
Protests in Gwadar: Who and Why

  D. Suba Chandran

For the rest of Pakistan, Gwadar is more of a strategic asset, than a region made of people with their own aspirations. 

Yesterday, (Thursday, 30 September), Gwadar witnessed another round of protests. According to Dawn, “Thousands of people from different areas of Gwadar and Turbat on Thursday staged a protest against non-availability of basic amenities and shortage of drinking water, health, education facilities and increasing unemployment in Gwadar and other areas of Makran division.” (“Thousands demand basic facilities in Gwadar, Turbat,” Dawn, 1 October 2021)

This is not the first time during recent weeks that Gwadar is witnessing protests. In August, Gwadar saw protests, almost for the same reasons. The News reported: “Workers of all political parties, fishermen and members of civil society gathered in the city centre and blocked roads, burnt tires and used other means to express their anger towards the government. These protests continued for a couple of days and received much attention on social media but were ignored in mainstream media.” (Adnan Aamir, “Protests in Gwadar,” The News on Sunday, 5 September 2021)

Clearly, there is a pattern to the protests. And there is a problem. 

Who are protesting in Gwadar, and for what?
The question of livelihood is of paramount importance. Given the coastal nature and the economic dependence on the maritime, the people of Makran coast are unhappy with what they consider as illegal fishing. Two issues are of importance here – the question of local ownership and the fishing rights, and the question of fishing by non-Baloch fishermen. Across the region, there have been skirmishes over who does the sea and what is found there belong to. 

Fishing has become an issue; technological developments and access to the same, have made traditional fishing methods obsolete or less productive. All over South Asia, and beyond, fishing has become a big industry, and fishermen have become dependent on the industry. While some fishermen have become a part of the industry, not everyone is from the fishing community in the coast. The fishermen in the Makran coast, majority of them, are still using the traditional knowledge and methods, whereas, the new ones from Sindh are blamed for using trawlers. Usage of trawlers by the big fishermen results in local fishermen ending up with a smaller catch, thereby affecting the latter’s livelihood.

Second, the fishermen of Makran coast have another problem – fishing rights to the Chinese. There have been protests earlier in the region over the government allowing Chinese trawlers to fish. (“Gwadar fishermen hold rally against grant of fishing rights to Chinese trawlers,” Dawn, 16 June 2021)

Third, the expectation amongst the local community, that the Chinese investments in Gwadar as a part of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) would revolutionise the local economy, and uplift the local population of Gwadar and in rest of the Makran coast. The economy of the Makran coast was heavily dependent on fishing, and smuggling (especially of oil and related products) from Iran. The CPEC projects of Gwadar are yet to materialize in terms of local population getting the primary benefit from the same. Given the gap between the expectations and reality, the local community (besides the fishermen, and those who are dependent on the coastal economy), there has been a gradual anger being built against the Chinese projects.

Fourth, the long-standing local Baloch grievances against the federal government in the region. This is not Gwadar specific, but relating to the entire province. This formed one of the reasons, why the opposition demanded a no-confidence motion against the Chief Minister. He is seen as a puppet of Islamabad. The question of handing over the local rights to outsiders (whether businessmen from Punjab and Sindh, or now from China) have been an emotional issue for the local population. 

The latest protest and the recent ones provide an opportunity for the opposition parties to come together on the same platform, and raise the pitch against the Chief Minister, and thereby against the coalition led by the PTI. 

Fifth, the trigger. While the above issues are long pending, the trigger for the latest round of protests seem to be shortages in water and electricity. While issues such as health, education and unemployment have been chronic, the water and electricity shortage have brought the people of Makran coast to the streets. The electricity shortage in the Makran coast has been triggered by the arrangement between Iran and Pakistan, over the former selling power to the latter. Coupled with problems of restrictions over smuggling of oil and gas products from Iran.

Will the protests expand? 
The State has always been using force to pressurize the local population into submission. It would continue the same strategy. Besides, Islamabad cannot afford any problems over one of its CPEC jewels – Gwadar. While the issues get covered locally and in the social media, the national media gives less attention and space to what is happening in Gwadar. For the rest of Pakistan, Gwadar is more of a strategic asset, than a region made of people with their own aspirations. 

*Note: The note was first published in http://www.pakistanreader.org/

Print Bookmark

PREVIOUS COMMENTS

March 2024 | CWA # 1251

NIAS Africa Team

Africa This Week
February 2024 | CWA # 1226

NIAS Africa Team

Africa This Week
December 2023 | CWA # 1189

Hoimi Mukherjee | Hoimi Mukherjee is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Political Science in Bankura Zilla Saradamani Mahila Mahavidyapith.

Chile in 2023: Crises of Constitutionality
December 2023 | CWA # 1187

Aprajita Kashyap | Aprajita Kashyap is a faculty of Latin American Studies, School of International Studies at the Jawaharlal Nehru University New Delhi.

Haiti in 2023: The Humanitarian Crisis
December 2023 | CWA # 1185

Binod Khanal | Binod Khanal is a Doctoral candidate at the Centre for European Studies, School of International Studies, JNU, New Delhi.

The Baltic: Energy, Russia, NATO and China
December 2023 | CWA # 1183

Padmashree Anandhan | Padmashree Anandhan is a Research Associate at the School of Conflict and Security Studies, National Institute of Advanced Studies, Bangaluru.

Germany in 2023: Defence, Economy and Energy Triangle
December 2023 | CWA # 1178

​​​​​​​Ashok Alex Luke | Ashok Alex Luke is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Political Science at CMS College, Kottayam.

China and South Asia in 2023: Advantage Beijing?
December 2023 | CWA # 1177

Annem Naga Bindhu Madhuri | Annem Naga Bindhu Madhuri is a postgraduate student at the Department of Defence and Strategic Studies at the University of Madras, Chennai.

China and East Asia
October 2023 | CWA # 1091

Annem Naga Bindhu Madhuri

Issues for Europe
July 2023 | CWA # 1012

Bibhu Prasad Routray

Myanmar continues to burn
December 2022 | CWA # 879

Padmashree Anandhan

The Ukraine War
November 2022 | CWA # 838

Rishma Banerjee

Tracing Europe's droughts
March 2022 | CWA # 705

NIAS Africa Team

In Focus: Libya
December 2021 | CWA # 630

GP Team

Europe in 2021
October 2021 | CWA # 588

Abigail Miriam Fernandez

TLP is back again
August 2021 | CWA # 528

STIR Team

Space Tourism
September 2019 | CWA # 162

Lakshman Chakravarthy N

5G: A Primer
December 2018 | CWA # 71

Mahesh Bhatta | Centre for South Asian Studies, Kathmandu

Nepal
December 2018 | CWA # 70

Nasima Khatoon | Research Associate, ISSSP, NIAS

The Maldives
December 2018 | CWA # 69

Harini Madhusudan | Research Associate, ISSSP, NIAS

India
December 2018 | CWA # 68

Sourina Bej | Research Associate, ISSSP, NIAS

Bangladesh
December 2018 | CWA # 67

Seetha Lakshmi Dinesh Iyer | Research Associate, ISSSP, NIAS

Afghanistan